The sustained success of black-owned businesses, especially in South Africa, has been eagerly anticipated because of the unique history of the country. It is presumed that the prosperity of local businesses in the country is expected to benefit the community areas in which they operate by offering improved goods and services, adding to employment and contributing to uplift the overall standards of living systemically. Privately owned businesses play a significant role in adding to the national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and increasing the tax base and revenue as well as the levels of employment, which in turn boost the economic growth of a country.

According to the Banking Association South Africa (TBASA 2019), South Africa’s private sector comprises 91% of formal businesses, contributes about 34% to the country’s GDP and about 60% employment of the total labour force. The Companies and Intellectual Property Commissions’ (CIPC 2019) report from the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) discloses that 378 435 private companies were registered in the 2016–2017 financial year. For the year 2017–2018, 386 373 companies were registered whereas 395 320 private companies in the 2018–2019 financial year. Despite this reported constant year-on-year increment in the growth of the number of privately owned businesses, the recent annual Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM 2017, 2018, 2019) reports on South Africa paint a disturbing picture particularly on sustained business ownership. Using the established business ownership rate (a percentage of adult population of between 18 and 64 years owning and managing a business that has paid salaries and other expenses to the owner for more than three and half years), the GEM reports estimate South Africa’s established business ownership rate in 2017 at 2.5%, 2.2% for 2018 and 3.5% for 2019. Such dismal figures could be construed as over 90% of adult South Africans are engaged in short-term business activities that cannot sustainably contribute to both the country’s employment and GDP.

Still, in the South African context, the findings from the GEM reports are inconclusive on the categories such businesses belong to and the percentage share of black ownership. Annual data released by the Commission on Black economic empowerment (B-BBEEC 2020) reports that average company ownership by black people throughout the economy was just 27.83% in 2017, 25.2% in 2018 and 29.4% in 2019. Delving further into the same report reveals that black representation on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange-listed company boards stood at only 38% in both 2017 and 2018, whilst for 2019, it was at 43.63%. Such revelations reflect the discordance with the recent population estimates from STATS SA (2020) that depict South Africa’s population to be 80.8% black, 8.8% coloured, 7.8% white and 2.6% Indian and/or Asian. This study should add to the debate and efforts in the promotion of equality in South Africa amongst all citizens towards level pegged sharing of control, ownership and wealth in the economy. This is because the increased presence of private enterprises amongst people is deemed pivotal to overall poverty level weakening (Hewitt & Janse Van Rensburg 2020), justice and participation, wealth and observance of laws in the country (Nieman & Pretorius 2004) as well as diminishing the inequalities between the rich and the poor in South Africa (Mogashoa & Selebi 2021).

The DTI (2014) promotes the establishment of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) by mainly black South Africans to increase business ownership. This is because self-established, privately owned businesses by black South Africans seem to be scarce and in the hands of a few. It is possible that many of these businesses were nudged into inception with the help of the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) programme after the abolition of apartheid in 1994. The questions that arise are why self-established, privately owned businesses amongst black South Africans are so few and how the few businesses that survived apartheid could grow despite difficult times to become successful and sustained to the present day.

There is a view that most black-owned businesses in South Africa lack the necessary strength to last and be competitive locally and internationally, for instance, in terms of overall turnover, the total number of employees, stock exchange presence and continuation of this presence. In their account of the prosperity projections of South African new business ventures, Preisendorfer, Bitz and Bezuidenhout (2012:5) argue that many of the businesses owned by black people in the country are ‘informal survivalists’. In other words, these are merely petite-sized and erratically managed businesses only meant to provide for the needs of owner individuals and their relatives. As many of South Africa’s black population dwell dominantly in townships (McFarlane & Silver 2017; Preisendorfer, Boitz & Bezuidenhout 2014), they are largely engaged in informal entrepreneurship (Beresford 2020; Maliehe 2017; Spiegel 2018). This may be construed that the operating environment and informal nature of most businesses run by black people in South Africa complicate their prosperity and sustainability outlook. This is defended by Beresford (2020) stating that in many instances township enterprises in South Africa continue to be informal and or in survival mode. South Africa’s black entrepreneurial situation is compounded by the findings of Yeboah and Koffie (2016) who put the country’s failure rate of newly started businesses to be the highest in the world at 75%. This high level of failure is supported by Nheta et al. (2020) who indicate that only one in four businesses survive within 3 years of their formation in South Africa. Against this background of mainly entrepreneurship failure, very few success stories have been told, which this study aims to surface.

This study, therefore, sets off with the recognition of the scantiness of self-established, privately owned businesses amongst black South Africans who have survived the oppression of apartheid and succeeded despite difficult circumstances. Thomas (2020) maintains that the number of large, successful black-owned businesses in South Africa is few and those that have been in existence for over six decades are limited. In exploring the problem, as to why and how only some succeed, the success factors (enablers) of an iconic black-owned business are put forward as a business case. This is the South African Maponya business case, a black-initiated and family-owned business that has been in existence for over six decades. The research question this study seeks to answers is: ‘Why and how the Maponya family as entrepreneurs have been able to succeed at all odds to survive, sustain and grow a distinguished business empire’ listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange?

A qualitative research approach following a single case study design was employed as encouraged by Dul and Hak (2012) as this study aims to explore and distinguish a certain reality, giving insight into an intricate experience (Yin 2014), the unique success and longevity of the Maponya business case were chosen. A descriptive and explanatory case study strategy was utilised as espoused by Eriksson and Kovalainen (2008). Yin (2014:4) also supports the use of a case study design when ‘the questions require an extensive and in-depth description of some social phenomenon’.

From the data analysis, it was clear that the Maponya business success was based on continued family entrenchment. It must be emphasised that the researchers only discovered during the interview process that the Maponya business started and continued as a family-controlled type of business. Chua, Chrisman and Sharma (1999) classify a family business as one managed with the purpose to create and follow a dream that is endorsed by a principal union of family members or part of a family, a dream that is likely to be continued through the generations of the family or families. Though Longenecker et al. (2006) agree on the existence of a divide between the dynamics of family and business systems, with each having its own participants, aims and guiding principles, they concur that the constructs of family and business end up overlapping in a family type of business. Important to note also is that the words ‘clan’ and ‘family’ are used interchangeably in this study to refer to the family-ingrained nature of the Maponya business case, which could be equated to the ‘familiness approach’ referred to by Danes, Stafford and Amarapurkar (2009) where behavioural and social phenomena guide the business.

Therefore, to make sense of this overarching finding of familiness, the six main themes that make up a unique and consistent behavioural pattern of the Maponya clan members and contributing to the success and longevity of this family business will be elaborated on. The six themes are family solidity, family members’ support of one another, work-for-self nurturing, intense drive to succeed, strict disciplinary mechanisms and brand name significance.

This study uncovered the factors responsible for the entrepreneurial success and longevity of the Maponya business case, as a black South African initiated and owned entity. It was found that the Maponya group of businesses is under a family-controlled organisation. This research has particularised the extent of the family embeddedness, which is the cardinal factor responsible for the success of the Maponya Business Empire or dynasty. Therefore, such a profound finding directed the review of the literature towards family business management to aid in corroborating most of the research findings, as shown above.

Based on the key findings, the study constructs Figure 2 to illustrate the deep-rooted nature of family as justification for the success and longevity of the Maponya business.

The pervasiveness of the Maponya family in business is directly and indirectly ascribed to its success, as members benefit from the family brand name to further their entrepreneurial endeavours. By using the family name (Maponya) as their business ventures’ names, the Maponyas easily secure the buy-in of various stakeholders to enhance their business pursuits into prosperity. Important to note is that this brand name advantage has been built up over many years owing to the enforcement of strict adherence to family values (the Maponya way) by a disciplinary apparatus that keeps all clan members in line. The willingness of the family members to support one another in the form of readily-available mentoring of young family members, sharing of business knowledge and experiences and contributions to the education fund for members’ skills development are key amongst the jealously guarded values of the Maponyas. This unique interdependence amongst clan members as an age-old family system has nurtured cohesion, harmony and general oneness. This has allowed the members to create and strengthen a huge network of business connections and vital resource pools (both internal and external to the family) to further the success of the Maponya businesses. There is also an entrepreneurial mindset and intense drive to succeed, traits instilled in young Maponyas during mentorship, to work for themselves and not seek jobs outside the clan. Such early-implanted business mindedness and skills have transformed the calibre of the Maponya business operations from mere merchandising in the early days, to much more sophisticated and modernised ventures.

In retrospect, these research findings showing the inner workings of the Maponya business empire tie in closely with the communal value systems characteristic of African cultural practices and are allegorical particularly to the practice of ubuntu. Mangaliso (2001) describes ubuntu as the enveloping will of love, neighbourliness and receptiveness within and amongst African people; it is based on their shared beliefs about the way they conduct themselves and treat those they come across. Central to ubuntu are the concepts of the mutual dependence of people, preference for collectivism over individualism and exercising restraint from self-regarding.

There could be uneasiness about the ability to draw conclusions from results of a single case study, as the information was obtained from only one clan member of the Maponyas. However, the findings were approved by a senior Maponya family member (member checking) to allay validity concerns. Creswell (2014) announces that sometimes it may be the case that research findings cannot be interpreted to represent the entire population. Yet again, Bricki and Green (2007) regard a small sample size to be adequate especially in qualitative research as it allows a deeper understanding of the case selected. The findings, albeit from a single business case, offer hope for black South Africans with an aim for entrepreneurial success. The inner workings of the Maponya business dynasty revealed in this study may be used as a template to conduct and excel in business, particularly in an African context.

Further research, using either qualitative or quantitative methods may be conducted to supplement existing knowledge about black African business leadership and success. In the current study, only one entrepreneur (a member of the Maponya family) was interviewed; therefore this study could be expanded to include interviews with more members of the Maponya family to bear witness to the findings from this one case within the Maponya case, thereby making possible the generalisation of the Maponya business model.

There is need to investigate succession planning and transitional processes used by older Maponya generations to facilitate the continued running of businesses by the younger generations. This is a crucial strategic management process that needs further probing to reveal how the right family members are chosen to lead and to account for the sustainability of this business empire.

Maponya’s business reputation management could be probed on how their businesses expand to involve business partners and employees outside the Maponya clan. The study established that the Maponya business empire is a family-controlled type of business, with family members expected to stick to a particular behavioural pattern emblematic of their reputation and upbringing, key to doing business. It would thus be worthy research to learn how their brand is still upheld when in partnership with non-Maponyas, who are of different values and backgrounds.

Further research may include other businesses to possibly allow for more generalisable results. For instance, a comparative analysis between the Maponya business and other similar businesses might also be considered.

This case study brought to the fore the factors for the immense success and longevity of a previously disadvantaged group, the Maponya entrepreneurial business in South Africa. The results provide deeper insights into and understanding of the application of business management and leadership principles within a true African business context. The findings unpack the business case employed in the Maponya business. Accordingly, this research believes that the findings could give black African entrepreneurs, with aspirations to achieve business success, more insight into business management operations and methods by virtue of the example set by the Maponya family business. The findings explain a distinctiveness of a black African business dynasty, provide scholarly facts, broadening the knowledge base on African business management techniques and accomplishments in a Southern African and African context and, also, on the topic of family business studies in a general African sense.